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Julius Kondratyev
Julius Kondratyev

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Some of the best songs of all time share the starting letter P in their names. This includes pop, rock, and rap hits from the 1950s to the present day. The following songs starting with P are influential, timeless, and essential listening for any music fan.

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Combs describes his wardrobe style as "swagger, timeless, diverse".[159] On September 2, 2007, Combs held his ninth annual "White Party", at which guests are limited to an all-white dress code. The White Party, which has also been held in St. Tropez, was held in his home in East Hampton, New York. Combs stated, "This party is up there with the top three that I've thrown. It's a party that has legendary status. It's hard to throw a party that lives up to its legend."[160]

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SOS may appear in the status bar of your iPhone or iPad. When you see this message, your device isn't connected to your mobile network, but you can make emergency calls through other service provider networks.

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According to the 1940 census, Peterson was the most common last name beginning with the letter 'P', followed by Phillips and Parker. Click on the names below to learn more about their meaning, history and origins.

Effective January 2, 2019, the PT Compact Commission will begin issuing compact privileges for Texas. If you are unable to find verification of a licensee, the PT or PTA may hold a compact privilege in Texas. To verify compact privilege status, please go to

One of the basic points in your statement is that the action that I and my associateshavetaken in Birmingham is untimely. Some have asked: "Why didn't you give the new cityadministrationtime to act?" The only answer that I can give to this query is that the new Birminghamadministrationmust be prodded about as much as the outgoing one, before it will act. We are sadlymistaken if wefeel that the election of Albert Boutwell as mayor will bring the millennium toBirmingham. While Mr.Boutwell is a much more gentle person than Mr. Connor, they are both segregationists,dedicated tomaintenance of the status quo. I have hope that Mr. Boutwell will be reasonable enough tosee thefutility of massive resistance to desegregation. But he will not see this without pressurefrom devoteesof civil rights. My friends, I must say to you that we have not made a single gain incivil rights withoutdetermined legal and nonviolent pressure. Lamentably, it is an historical fact thatprivileged groupsseldom give up their privileges voluntarily. Individuals may see the moral light andvoluntarily give up their unjust posture; but, as Reinhold Niebuhr has reminded us, groupstend to be more immoral thanindividuals.

Now, what is the difference between the two? How does one determine whether a law isjustor unjust? A just law is a man made code that squares with the moral law or the law ofGod. An unjustlaw is a code that is out of harmony with the moral law. To put it in the terms of St.Thomas Aquinas:An unjust law is a human law that is not rooted in eternal law and natural law. Any lawthat upliftshuman personality is just. Any law that degrades human personality is unjust. Allsegregation statutesare unjust because segregation distorts the soul and damages the personality. It gives thesegregatora false sense of superiority and the segregated a false sense of inferiority. Segregation,to use theterminology of the Jewish philosopher Martin Buber, substitutes an "I it" relationship foran "I thou"relationship and ends up relegating persons to the status of things. Hence segregation isnot onlypolitically, economically and sociologically unsound, it is morally wrong and sinful. PaulTillich has saidthat sin is separation. Is not segregation an existential expression of man's tragicseparation, his awfulestrangement, his terrible sinfulness? Thus it is that I can urge men to obey the 1954decision of theSupreme Court, for it is morally right; and I can urge them to disobey segregationordinances, for theyare morally wrong.

I had hoped that the white moderate would see this need. Perhaps I was too optimistic;perhaps I expected too much. I suppose I should have realized that few members of theoppressorrace can understand the deep groans and passionate yearnings of the oppressed race, andstill fewerhave the vision to see that injustice must be rooted out by strong, persistent anddetermined action. Iam thankful, however, that some of our white brothers in the South have grasped themeaning of thissocial revolution and committed themselves to it. They are still all too few in quantity,but they are bigin quality. Some -such as Ralph McGill, Lillian Smith, Harry Golden, James McBride Dabbs,Ann Bradenand Sarah Patton Boyle--have written about our struggle in eloquent and prophetic terms.Othershave marched with us down nameless streets of the South. They have languished in filthy,roachinfested jails, suffering the abuse and brutality of policemen who view them as "dirtynigger-lovers."Unlike so many of their moderate brothers and sisters, they have recognized the urgency ofthemoment and sensed the need for powerful "action" antidotes to combat the disease ofsegregation.Let me take note of my other major disappointment. I have been so greatly disappointedwiththe white church and its leadership. Of course, there are some notable exceptions. I amnot unmindfulof the fact that each of you has taken some significant stands on this issue. I commendyou, ReverendStallings, for your Christian stand on this past Sunday, in welcoming Negroes to yourworship serviceon a nonsegregated basis. I commend the Catholic leaders of this state for integratingSpring HillCollege several years ago.

There was a time when the church was very powerful--in the time when the earlyChristiansrejoiced at being deemed worthy to suffer for what they believed. In those days the churchwas notmerely a thermometer that recorded the ideas and principles of popular opinion; it was athermostatthat transformed the mores of society. Whenever the early Christians entered a town, thepeople inpower became disturbed and immediately sought to convict the Christians for being"disturbers of thepeace" and "outside agitators."' But the Christians pressed on, in the conviction thatthey were "acolony of heaven," called to obey God rather than man. Small in number, they were big incommitment. They were too God-intoxicated to be "astronomically intimidated." By theireffort andexample they brought an end to such ancient evils as infanticide and gladiatorialcontests.Things are different now. So often the contemporary church is a weak, ineffectual voicewithan uncertain sound. So often it is an archdefender of the status quo. Far from beingdisturbed by thepresence of the church, the power structure of the average community is consoled by thechurch'ssilent--and often even vocal--sanction of things as they are.

Perhaps I have once again been too optimistic. Is organized religion too inextricablybound tothe status quo to save our nation and the world? Perhaps I must turn my faith to the innerspiritualchurch, the church within the church, as the true ekklesia and the hope of the world. Butagain I amthankful to God that some noble souls from the ranks of organized religion have brokenloose fromthe paralyzing chains of conformity and joined us as active partners in the struggle forfreedom. Theyhave left their secure congregations and walked the streets of Albany, Georgia, with us.They havegone down the highways of the South on tortuous rides for freedom. Yes, they have gone tojail withus. Some have been dismissed from their churches, have lost the support of their bishopsand fellowministers. But they have acted in the faith that right defeated is stronger than eviltriumphant. Theirwitness has been the spiritual salt that has preserved the true meaning of the gospel inthese troubledtimes. They have carved a tunnel of hope through the dark mountain of disappointment.I hope the church as a whole will meet the challenge of this decisive hour. But even ifthechurch does not come to the aid of justice, I have no despair about the future. I have nofear about theoutcome of our struggle in Birmingham, even if our motives are at present misunderstood.We willreach the goal of freedom in Birmingham and all over the nation, because the goal ofAmerica isfreedom. Abused and scorned though we may be, our destiny is tied up with America'sdestiny. Beforethe pilgrims landed at Plymouth, we were here. Before the pen of Jefferson etched themajestic wordsof the Declaration of Independence across the pages of history, we were here. For morethan twocenturies our forebears labored in this country without wages; they made cotton king; theybuilt thehomes of their masters while suffering gross injustice and shameful humiliation -and yetout of abottomless vitality they continued to thrive and develop. If the inexpressible crueltiesof slavery couldnot stop us, the opposition we now face will surely fail. We will win our freedom becausethe sacredheritage of our nation and the eternal will of God are embodied in our echoing demands.Before closing I feel impelled to mention one other point in your statement that hastroubledme profoundly. You warmly commended the Birmingham police force for keeping "order" and"preventing violence." I doubt that you would have so warmly commended the police force ifyou hadseen its dogs sinking their teeth into unarmed, nonviolent Negroes. I doubt that you wouldso quicklycommend the policemen if you were to observe their ugly and inhumane treatment of Negroesherein the city jail; if you were to watch them push and curse old Negro women and young Negrogirls; ifyou were to see them slap and kick old Negro men and young boys; if you were to observethem, asthey did on two occasions, refuse to give us food because we wanted to sing our gracetogether. Icannot join you in your praise of the Birmingham police department. 041b061a72


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